“For our party elections and referendum are the most important political events of strategic significance”, - considers Shokirjon Hakimov, deputy chairman of the Social-Democratic Party of Tajikistan, interviewed by our correspondent.
- What do you think? Have any changes requiring a referendum on alterations and addenda to RT Constitution taken place in the Tajik society? The deputies of Majlisi Namoyandagon explicating their stance in regard to Referendum refer to these changes.
- Sh. H. If to contemplate over the preamble and formulation of Majlisi Oli Majlisi Namoyandagon Edict the level of democratization is alleged to have reached such progress that the urgency of alterations and addenda to RT Constitution has arisen to improve the latter. However, to our deep conviction it is not so at all. The economy is in the state of decline and this tendency is going on. I mean the actual state; meanwhile official accounts present its growth. Otherwise migration would be retroactive, but we don’t observe it. Figures and facts testify that the level of outward migration has enhanced several times. It proves that the real sector of economy doesn’t work; in addition, there were some progressive tokens in democratization of social life. But due to referendum they lose their force. What do I mean? In the first, articles 6 and 10 of the Law on referendum are contravened roughly; article 6 defines a status and a place of civic society institutes and MM in referendum, article 10 envisages 6 months-term of considering a date of referendum by Majlisi Namoyandagon after the idea of referendum is launched; the technology of referendum conducting is to be discussed as well. However, as we saw, without all-national debates on amendments to the Constitution Majlisi Namoyandagon passed a resolution on the date of referendum during 20-22 days.
In the second, if we acknowledge the principle of powers division whose basic mechanism is that of constraints and counterbalances we should pay attention to article 69, item 14, which runs that when a legislative body forwards an initiative the president is to issue a fiat where a date of referendum and a technology of its effectuation should be stated; there was none.
In the third, referendum was to be used for elevation of political culture in the society, it would afford our citizens to more actively participate in political life. But we can’t feel it.
In the fourth, it is an international aspect. Today’s parliament and president are a product of peace-making process, i.e. the elections were conducted in the period of the work of the Commission on national reconciliation within the frameworks of realization of the common agreement on establishment of peace and national concord in Tajikistan. The elections were recognized as undemocratic by the world community, International Fund of Electoral Systems, OSCE, Bureau on human rights and European Community inclusive. In the outcome we received the parliament, which didn’t reflect the real apportionment of political forces in the society. We received the parliament governed fairly by the executive power, it has acted in this way feeling its putative responsibility before society and voters. All these factors point to certain difficulties the democratic process of Tajikistan collides with.
In order to restore democracy and pluralism in the Tajik society we need the political will of the president of Tajikistan Republic as a guarantor of democratic transformations and RT Constitution.
- Do You assert that the deputies of Majlisi Namoyandagon have contravened RT Constitution and the Constitutional law on referendum?
- Sh. H. Yes, it’s so beyond doubts. But I would like to draw the attention of the readers to analogical situations, which sprang up in other countries. An excellent example for being domesticated was shown by the Islamic Republic of Iran and its former president Ravsanjani. When the second term of his presidency was drawing to its close - and according to the Constitution of Iran a president can be elected only for two terms at a running - the idea of changing the Constitution aimed at the prolongation of the terms of presidency arose among certain circles of the political elite. Though Ravsanjani enjoyed a great authority in the Iranian society, economic and social spheres witnessed big progress, he rejected this idea, he declared “that subjective factors should not be an assumption for constitutional reforms, as it may serve as a dangerous precedent”. In contrast one may deliver the examples of Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and etc. where referendums were conducted to retain a personal power of presidents in these republics.
- You say that laboring migration abroad is enhancing. Will referendum be legitimate and will the world community acknowledge its results when hundreds of thousands of people entitled to the right of voting are abroad?
Sh. H. It is really so, if to analyze the situation with laboring migrants the following picture is outlined. For the last three-four years about 30% of migrants returned home for winter because of the severe climate in Russia. Today scientific and practical data evidence to a meagre percentage. On the other hand, in spite of two organized railway routes to the cities of Russia from Dushanbe and Kulob, daily air flights from Dushanbe, Kulob and Khujand tickets are not available even a month before. It shows that potential voters are proceeding to leave. A quorum ensuring the lawfulness of referendum may be available, however, I doubt as to reality of results as I don’t exclude gerrymandering.
- Will there be independent observers at electoral units from international organizations?
- Sh. H. As we were informed the European Community had refused to send its observers to Tajikistan; Russia being in two minds yet…