The elections into Majlisi Oli Majlisi Namoyandagon of the Republic of Tajikistan are not far distant. Political parties and social movements began to release their pre-election platforms. On the threshold of this political campaign "Varorud" editorial board decided to grant an opportunity to its readers of getting acquainted with the outlooks of the political elite of the republic. "Varorud" correspondent had a talk with the chairman of the Social-Democratic Party of Tajikistan Rahmatullo Zoirov.

- Is there a juridical base for the development of multiple parties in Tajikistan?
- Of course, there is. There is the law on political parties; there are several articles in the Constitution regulating their activities. The law "On Social Amalgamations" also deals with the activities of the parties, but all these laws regulate organization and activities of party formations. As for multitude of parties, we must bear in mind that the presence of several parties doesn't prove yet that a respective system has shaped in the country. These things are quite different. In order multiple party spirits formed in the country legislation supposes an observance of equal rights principles and state support. Unfortunately, we haven't got it in Tajikistan. What did I mean? All of us know in what way elections are conducted with us. If one party enjoys the majority of votes it may enforce any law. For example, we have only 63 deputies in Majlisi Namoyandagon, out of them 43 deputies make up a fraction of the Popular-Democratic Party of Tajikistan (PDPT). From the point of view of multiple party spirits there exists one-party-system. PDPT can enforce any resolution through legislative and executive organs of power. Due to various reasons PDPT found itself in a privileged position because it enjoys power.
We often confuse the functions of state and statal power with those of political parties. One must accentuate that their predestinations are different and shouldn't be substituted for each other. But PDPT being at power and being the party of power headed by the president of the country carries out its activities through state power bodies, but that is inadmissible. This is one of the most complicated problems in the formation of multiple party spirits in Tajikistan.
- Is a coalition of oppositional parties with the participation of your party at the forthcoming elections to Majlisi Namoyandagon possible?
- Every election is always an exam. We have common interests with other parties, even with PDPT. There are no friends in politics; in politics there are only interests. As for honest, transparent, just elections into the parliament, our interests coincide with other oppositional parties. We didn't think about blocs yet, but as for joint participation with other parties in the aspect of electoral commissions organization, it may be possible. As for IRPT and CPT, a bloc is practically impossible proceeding from the assumption of ideology. In this respect socialist and democratic parties are much closer to us. And here not only ideology, but human resources should be taken into account either. PDPT consists chiefly of state officials and people of pension age. The principal point of today is financial resources of parties, but I hope, before the elections our party will settle this problem in the positive.
We organize a social-economic system of our party which exposes itself in a good plane now. As for joint blocs, we shall be able to speak about them no earlier than in a year. And how can diverse events take place in our society if legislation permits to form political blocs just on the threshold of elections?
- PDPT has a mighty administrative resource at its disposal. Can one oppose it and how will your party act?
- If to express it correctly it is not the party working here, it is all the executive power working for it. You can oppose it in several ways. There should be solidarity of all parties, even not a creation of blocs, but unity of interests. To say the truth, it is no best and even no most reliable way. The most reliable method is an elaboration of organizational and legal mechanisms, i.e. perfection of legislation. Amendments for the law "On Elections" have been prepared for today. They envisage separation of executive power from electoral commissions and the latters are to be separated from parties, but to be created on a parity basis. For example, if a central electoral commission (centrelectcom) consists of 15 members - chairman/chairwoman, his/her deputy and secretary being non-party individuals - the rest 12 persons will be formed in proportion to each party, i.e. per 2 members from 6 political parties if this number is available by that time. And if constituency and divisional commissions are formed according to the same principle, to my mind, that would be an optimal variant.
Besides there should be procedure observance guarantees during registration of parties and their candidates for the period of electoral campaigns. Financing of parties must be also regulated from the point of view of the law. But I, for example, don't stand in favor of financial limitations in regard to pre-electoral campaigns. The forms of attracting finances granted by donors should be regulated too. The amount of resources donated on the part of society exposes a rating of a party.
- Is holding of the positions of president and party leader correct in the transitional period? Is it compatible with the Constitution? What's Your opinion on that score?
- I spoke on it multiple times and must repeat it again; before elections this person may be a member of any party, but on being elected he must, at least, suspend his party membership, because a president is a guarantor of the Constitution and he ought to ensure constitutional rights for al the citizens of the country. But our president is a chairman of the party, it is not correct either from the point of view of morality or from the one of the law. President is concurrently Commander-in-chief, chairman of the Security Council, so an infringement upon the rights of the officers of law enforcement bodies and military servicemen takes place, insomuch as they can't be members of parties, but Supreme Commander-in-Chief can. Leaders of parties must not be in executive services of parties themselves. As for our president, for the last five years since he took the post of party chairman he never met with the leaders of other political parties, he didn't take part in any events ("round tables", conferences, etc.) where other leaders were present.
As party chairman he plays a negative role in a formation of multiple spirits in Tajikistan. President as chairman of a certain party not taking part in the events participated by other parties does not have authentic information of the evolution of parties in the republic because the data reach him having passed through the third persons. The main thing is - being chairman of one party one can't be simultaneously a guarantor of the Constitution, guarantor of citizens' rights and freedoms observance.
- Do the economy reforms conducted in the republic respond to the realties of today?
- You can answer both "yes" and "no". if to take into consideration human resources potential representing state frameworks being in charge of economy reforms, we must say "yes". Those who carry them into effect work off their position, so to say. To what extent does it respond to the interests of society and state? I consider, it doesn't at all. All economic transformations and reforms are conducted almost in terms of campaigns; theories mapped out without taking into account the peculiarities of the republic. Another aspect of the problem lies in the following: not a single economy reform of such range is conducted without respective organizational-legislative base. In this respect many economists who are in charge of reforms are illiterate in reference to the law. For today customs and tax legislation, the law dealing with privatization and businessmen's activities not only don't promote economy reforms, but - on the contrary - they contradict the interests of society, drag out the process of reformation either. Thereof, it is necessary to radically change the economic policy and elaborate a new one, which would hold leaning on a clearly-cut legislative basis.
- Why does "Hizb-ut-Tahrir" ideology attract young people today and what methods should the state resort to in order the diffusion of this ideology were impeded?
- Recently I wrote the big article "Strategy of approach towards "Hizb-ut-Tahrir"". It is published in Germany in the language of the country, there is a Russian variant as well. I dwell on repressive measures being of no positive effect in reference to this type of movements; vice versa, the feelings of resentment are engendered destabilizing the situation. I had talks with many relatives of the convicted who are imprisoned for their activity in this party. Many of the formers don't understand what for their dearest and nearest are punished. To my mind, professional qualification of the employees representing the procurator's office is very poor. For example, if some persons are on attendance in the house of a party member they are detained too being considered to be privy to "Hizb-ut-Tahrir" as well. And they are simply discussing their personal problems. People are arrested, accused of anti-state activity and adjudicated for various terms of jail. But from the point of the criminal law until such activities acquire a sweeping tendency, i.e. people don't occupy tribunes invoking others for anti-state activity, the elements of crime are absent; it means there is no corpus delicti in their actions. Home meetings of a group of people by themselves can't be assessed as anti-state activity. Therefore, in the first, one should be very cautious in regard to "Hizb-ut-Tahrir"; in the second, in counterbalance to it a powerful statal spiritual formation must be built up. A poor work of this plane is compensated by those who are able to implant their own ideology.
There is also another reason why a certain part of youth displays interest in "Hizb-ut-Tahrir" activity: to my mind, it is because the Islamic Revival Party of Tajikistan stopped to be oppositional, it conducts the policy being conformable on may points. Thereupon, in "Hizb-ut-Tahrir" Muslims can see the party advocating the interests of Islam. If IRPT stuck to a more open course, conducted public discussions on Islamic problems I deem, many Muslims would keep aloof from "Hizb-ut-Tahrir".
Other oppositional parties also might contribute into a solution of this problem. We need wide public hearings and discussions on these crucial issues when people may be answered their questions and change their outlook. The main thing in the aspect of ideology is to elevate real knowledge of religious people and of those ones who are simply citizens.
- Corruption in the republic has reached crippling scales. Why aren't there real shifts in combat with this evil?
- First of all, our society and our state systems themselves have become ungovernable in this respect. Corruption penetrated in all the fields, it assailed the whole system of power, the supreme layers inclusive. Today we may speak about Tajikistan as the state being on the verge of corruptibility. There remained not a single domain of life unembraced with corruption; from top to bottom it is present in the society; even such inferior spheres as SAI (state auto inspection) or road service being involved.
Why aren't there any shifts in combat with corruption? Because the organs being in charge of it are corrupted themselves. The main problem of the republic for today is corruptibility of law enforcement bodies. If earlier we told that the Ministry of security and Procurator's office were less of all subjected to corruption, now we can't affirm it. MIA, customs and tax bodies are mostly corrupted. We need radical reorganization, and not in the system of management and legislative instruments following the order of priority, here preference should be given, first of all, to human resources and the system of interrelations. If not to attain a regulated system of interrelations between upper and lower layers it may result into a peril of the state. There is the law "On Combat with Corruption", there are articles in the Penal Code. But they are not provided with a mechanism of execution, neither procedural, nor organizational one, to say nothing about logistic-financial grounds. The primary conductors of laws are just those law enforcement bodies, but they are corrupted themselves, as I have told already; so, how would they combat with themselves?
- What role should be played by MM in the process of democratization and formation of a civic society?
- MM always were in charge of two targets: delivery of objective information and oppositional stance towards any unfair actions on the part of powers. MM should expose all the sore points of society. In Tajikistan, on the one hand, MM suffer with self-control and self-censorship; on the other hand, the pressure exercised by state bodies and crippling taxes disable them from developing into effective evolution. One more sore point is related to human resources potential. MM haven't finished their final formation yet. On the one hand, journalists don't enjoy professional solidarity; on the other hand, they haven't gained yet that experience which would enable them to battle out their rights in providing people with objective information.
- Are there any examples of pressure exercised by authorities upon the regional departments of your party?
- There is such pressure, of course. But differentiation should be done in reference to districts. In Sughd viloyat I don't perceive any pressure. Here it is done in a mild form. For example, people are dissuaded in joining the party, or persuaded to desert it; into the bargain, they act through relatives. In Kulob zone of districts there is a straightforward directive - there should exist only two parties - CPT and PDPT. For example, in Vose district other parties are on the verge of being declared outlaws. In Qarotegin district counteraction is displayed chiefly by official services and common people treat our party with loyalty. In Kuhistoni Badakhshon our party enjoys the most favorable air. We lay great accounts with this autonomous viloyat though it is not very large. We reckon for success in three regions: Badakhshon, Dushanbe and Sughd.
Now our basic goal is to make people comprehend that the times have changed. Today we can conduct elections in a democratic manner, being not afraid of expressing our opinion. And mass media might play a decisive role in creating such an atmosphere.
- Great thanks to You.